The Polynesian Exchange: Polynesia and South America Meet
Contact between Polynesia and South America has long been a topic of speculation and debate among scientists. What was once a fringe idea has become more credible than ever. In this episode, we explore the circumstances and evidence around the event that brought these cultures together, the Polynesian Exchange.
Video
Here's a thread topic that touches on this subject was posted by a forum member in 2021. I posted some of my replies on this topic below.
Polynesian Seafarers 'Discovered' America Long Before Europeans, Says DNA Study
Thread
Chemamull statues built by Mapuche people in Chile and Argentina were probably influenced by Rapa Nui Polynesians of Easter Island.
Moai in Easter Island (Chile)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chumash_people
Some researchers believe that the Chumash may have been visited by Polynesians between CE 400 and 800, nearly 1,000 years before Christopher Columbus reached the Americas.[22] The Chumash advanced sewn-plank canoe design, used throughout the Polynesian Islands but unknown in North America except by those two tribes, is cited as the chief evidence for contact. Comparative linguistics may provide evidence as the Chumash word for "sewn-plank canoe", tomolo'o, may have been derived from kumula'au, the Polynesian word for the redwood logs used in that construction. However, the language comparison is generally considered tentative. Furthermore, the development of the Chumash plank canoe is fairly well represented in the archaeological record and spans several centuries.[23][24] The concept is rejected by most archaeologists who work with the Chumash culture, and there is no evidence of a genetic legacy.[25]
https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/Did-ancient-Polynesians-visit-California-Maybe-2661327.php
https://archive.archaeology.org/0503/abstracts/canoes.html
The Polynesian Connection Volume 58 Number 2, March/April 2005 by Blake Edgar
Did ancient Hawaiians teach California Indians how to make ocean-going canoes?
[LARGER IMAGE]
They called themselves "people of the tomol" and their canoe the "house of the sea." For the Chumash people, who inhabited the southern California coast as well as several islands across the Santa Barbara Channel, the sewn-plank canoe, or tomol, anchored both their identity and economy. Tomols transported goods and people and were ideal craft for pursuing deep-sea fish or hunting marine mammals. Chumash who owned tomols commanded wealth and prestige--they wore bearskin capes to mark their status--as well as political leadership. Some archaeologists argue that the tomol made possible the complexity of Chumash culture.
Among North American Indians, only the Chumash, and later the neighboring Gabrielino, built sewn-plank canoes. In the Western Hemisphere, this distinctive technology is otherwise known only from the coast of Chile and among Pacific islanders. Compared to wooden dugout canoes or balsas made from bundled tule reeds, tomols are faster, more stable at sea, more durable, and able to carry larger loads for longer distances. It has been called "the greatest invention of the California Indians," but whether the Chumash were the tomol's inventors is now being questioned. What if the idea just washed ashore? What if the Chumash encountered the unchallenged masters of oceanic navigation, the Polynesians, and learned the idea from them? The suggestion provokes archaeologists because it implies that the tomol did not stem from Chumash cultural evolution but rather from a chance landing of people who traveled from more than two thousand miles away. Could something as important as the development of the tomol have been an accident of history?
Although the possibility of Polynesian influence on Chumash culture has been floated before, such radical notions were ignored as American archaeologists became reluctant to consider cases of cultural diffusion (the spread of cultural elements from one group to another) across vast distances. But now a distinguished California archaeologist and a linguist of the Chumash languages have marshaled new evidence for a Polynesia-California connection.
http://indigenousboats.blogspot.com/2013/01/the-chumash-and-tomol.html
The Chumash were a North American maritime culture, originally based on the mainland and Channel Islands on both sides of the Santa Barbara Channel in California. (I use the past tense in describing the culture as maritime for, while many Chumash people still remain in the area, their culture is no longer defined by maritime activities.) The area is particularly rich in marine resources, and the Chumash used at least three kinds of boats to exploit them.
Probably the first to appear was the tule reed "balsa," a raft of bundled reeds. It seems likely that tule balsas provided the means by which the islands were settled some 12,000 years ago, long before Chumash culture arose. Bundle boats are among the simplest of all watercraft to produce, and the main building materials were readily available in large quantities on the mainland shores of the Santa Barbara Channel, and in smaller amounts on the islands. In addition to large beds of reeds, naturally-occurring tar, in the form of asphaltum, is found in the area, and the Chumash used this to coat the reed bundles and increase their water resistance.
Mapuche culture has several proof that the sea voyaging Polynesians visited before.
Native American Indian groups in Mesoamerican Region and South America with varied degrees of Polynesian genes.
In Chile, Mapuche Indians also cooked their meat underground called Curanto the same way Polynesians cook it during Luau party festival called Kalua.
As mentioned before previously, Polynesians and Mapuche Indians in Chile shared similar artifacts found on the continent such as chickens, dalca boats, ceremonial clubs, Chemamull statues, genetics, surfing reed boats called Tortora, sweet potatoes and now the underground oven cooking method called Curanto. This shared culture was only possible because these two groups were within reach to one other by riding on a sail boat. The cultural exchange is evidence that the Native Mapuche Indians and Polynesians established a network of trade on Pacific Ocean.
Chile - Curanto
Polynesian - Kalua
More artifacts such as Ageratum Conyzoides(chick weed), Turmeric, Bottle Gourd and the word stone axe which is Toki were brought by Polynesians to the Americas. The craniometric analysis and genetics also proved that the Polynesians arrived and interbred with Amerindians.
Wikipedia
Pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact theories - Wikipedia
Claims of Polynesian contact
Ageratum conyzoides
Ageratum conyzoides, also known as billygoat-weed, chick weed, goatweed, or whiteweed, is native to the tropical Americas, and was found in Hawaii by William Hillebrand in 1888 who considered it to have grown there before Captain Cook's arrival in 1778. A legitimate native name (meie parari or mei rore) and established native medicinal usage and use as a scent and in leis have been offered as support for the pre-Cookian age.
Turmeric
Turmeric (Curcuma longa) originated in Asia, and there is linguistic and circumstantial evidence of the spread and use of turmeric by the Austronesian peoples into Oceania and Madagascar. Günter Tessmann in 1930 (300 years after European contact) reported that a species of Curcuma was grown by the Amahuaca tribe to the east of the Upper Ucayali River in Peru and was a dye-plant used for the painting of the body, with the nearby Witoto people using it as face paint in their ceremonial dances. David Sopher noted in 1950 that "the evidence for a pre-European, transpacific introduction of the plant by man seems very strong indeed".
Linguistics of Stone Axe
The word for "stone axe" on Easter Island is toki, among the New Zealand Maori toki ("adze"), Mapuchetoki in Chile and Argentina, and further afield, Yurumanguítotoki ("axe") from Colombia.
Similarity of features
In December 2007, several human skulls were found in a museum in Concepción, Chile. These skulls originated from Mocha Island, an island just off the coast of Chile in the Pacific Ocean, formerly inhabited by the Mapuche. Craniometric analysis of the skulls, according to Lisa Matisoo-Smith of the University of Otago and José Miguel Ramírez Aliaga of the Universidad de Valparaíso, suggests that the skulls have "Polynesian features" – such as a pentagonal shape when viewed from behind, and rocker jaws.
Genetics
Between 2007 and 2009, geneticist Erik Thorsby and colleagues published two studies in Tissue Antigens that evidence an Amerindian genetic contribution to human populations on Easter Island, determining that it was probably introduced before European discovery of the island. In 2014, geneticist Anna-Sapfo Malaspinas of The Center for GeoGenetics at the University of Copenhagen published a study in Current Biology that found human genetic evidence of contact between the populations of Easter Island and South America, dating to approximately 600 years ago (i.e. 1400 CE ± 100 years).
Some members of the now-extinct Botocudo people, who lived in the interior of Brazil, were found in research published in 2013 to have been members of mtDNA haplogroupB4a1a1, which is normally found only among Polynesians and other subgroups of Austronesians. This was based on an analysis of fourteen skulls. Two belonged to B4a1a1 (while twelve belonged to subclades of mtDNA Haplogroup C1, common among Native Americans). The research team examined various scenarios, none of which they could say for certain were correct. They dismissed a scenario of direct contact in prehistory between Polynesia and Brazil as "too unlikely to be seriously entertained." While B4a1a1 is also found among the Malagasy people of Madagascar (which experienced significant Austronesian settlement in prehistory), the authors described as "fanciful" suggestions that B4a1a1 among the Botocudo resulted from the African slave trade (which included Madagascar).
A genetic study published in Nature in July 2015 stated that "some Amazonian Native Americans descend partly from a ... founding population that carried ancestry more closely related to indigenous Australians, New Guineans and Andaman Islanders than to any present-day Eurasians or Native Americans". The authors, who included David Reich, added: "This signature is not present to the same extent, or at all, in present-day Northern and Central Americans or in a ~12,600-year-old Clovis-associated genome, suggesting a more diverse set of founding populations of the Americas than previously accepted." This appears to conflict with an article published roughly simultaneously in Science which adopts the previous consensus perspective, i.e. that the ancestors of all Native Americans entered the Americas in a single wave of migration from Siberia no earlier than ~23 ka, separated from the Inuit, and diversified into "northern" and "southern" Native American branches ~13 ka. There is evidence of post-divergence gene flow between some Native Americans and groups related to East Asians/Inuit and Australo-Melanesians.
In 2020 another study in Nature found that populations in the Mangareva, Marquesas, and Palliser islands and Easter Island had genetic admixture from indigenous populations of South America, with the DNA of contemporary populations of Zenú people from the Pacific coast of Colombia being the closest match. The authors suggest that the genetic signatures were probably the result of a single ancient contact. They proposed that an initial admixture event between indigenous South Americans and Polynesians occurred in eastern Polynesia between 1150 and 1230 CE, with later admixture in Easter Island around 1380 CE, but suggested other possible contact scenarios—for example, Polynesian voyages to South America followed by Polynesian people's returning to Polynesia with South American people, or carrying South American genetic heritage. Several scholars uninvolved in the study suggested that a contact event in South America was more likely.
Bottle Gourd
The origin of the Polynesian bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria), an important crop species in prehistoric Polynesia, has remained elusive. Most recently, a South American origin has been favored as the bottle gourd could have been introduced from this continent with the sweet potato by Polynesian voyagers
Micronesians, Hawaiians and Marshall Islanders had navigational maps
Micronesian Stick Charts
Article
Micronesian Stick Charts – The Decolonial Atlas (wordpress.com)
Marshall Islands stick chart
Stick charts were made and used by the Marshallese to navigate the Pacific Ocean by canoe off the coast of the Marshall Islands. The charts represented major ocean swell patterns and the ways the islands disrupted those patterns, typically determined by sensing disruptions in ocean swells by islanders during sea navigation.[1]
Most stick charts were made from the midribs of coconut fronds that were tied together to form an open framework. Island locations were represented by shells tied to the framework, or by the lashed junction of two or more sticks. The threads represented prevailing ocean surface wave-crests and directions they took as they approached islands and met other similar wave-crests formed by the ebb and flow of breakers. Individual charts varied so much in form and interpretation that the individual navigator who made the chart was the only person who could fully interpret and use it. The use of stick charts ended after World War II when new electronic technologies made navigation more accessible and travel among islands by canoe lessened.
Significance to the history of cartography
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The stick charts are a significant contribution to the history of cartography because they represent a system of mapping ocean swells, which was never before accomplished. They also use different materials from those common in other parts of the world. They are an indication that ancient maps may have looked very different, and encoded different features from the earth, from the maps that we use today.
The charts, unlike traditional maps, were studied and memorized prior to a voyage and were not consulted during a trip, as compared to traditional navigation techniques where consultation of a map is frequent and points and courses are plotted out both before and during navigation. Marshallese navigators used their senses and memory to guide them on voyages by crouching down or lying prone in the canoe to feel how the canoe was being pitched and rolled by underlying swells.
Ocean swells recognized by Marshallese
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The Marshallese recognized four main ocean swells: the rilib, kaelib, bungdockerik and bundockeing.[2] Navigators focused on effects of islands in blocking swells and generating counterswells to some degree, but they mainly concentrated on refraction of swells as they came in contact with undersea slopes of islands and the bending of swells around islands as they interacted with swells coming from opposite directions. The four types of ocean swells were represented in many stick charts by curved sticks and threads.
Rilib swells
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Rilib swells are the strongest of the four ocean swells and were referred to as "backbone" swells. They are generated by the northeast trade winds and are present during the entire year, even when they do not penetrate as far south as the Marshall Islands. Marshallese considered the rilib swells to come from the east, even though the angle of the winds as well as the impact of the ocean currents varied the swell direction.[1]
Kaelib swells
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The kaelib swell is weaker than the rilib and could only be detected by knowledgeable persons, but it is also present year round.
Bungdockerik swells
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The bungdockerik is present year round as well and arises in the southwest. This swell is often as strong as the rilib in the southern islands.
Bundockeing swells
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The bundockeing swell is the weakest of the four swells, and is mainly felt in the northern islands.
Stick chart categories
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The stick charts typically fall into three main categories: mattang, meddo (or medo), and rebbelib (or rebbelith).
Mattang charts
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The mattang stick chart was an abstract chart used for instruction and for teaching principles of reading how islands disrupt swells.
Meddo charts
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The meddo chart showed actual islands and their relative or exact positions. Meddo charts also showed the direction of main deep ocean swells, the way the swells curved around specific islands and intersected with one another, and distance from a canoe at which an island could be detected. The meddo chart portrayed only a section of one of the two main island chains.
Rebbelib charts
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Rebbelib charts portrayed the same information as a meddo chart, but the difference lies in inclusiveness of the islands. Rebbelib charts, unlike meddo charts, included all or most of one or both chains of islands.
Knowledge transfer
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Stick charts were not made and used by all Marshall Islanders. Only a select few rulers knew the method of making the maps, and the knowledge was only passed on from father to son. So that others could utilize the expertise of the navigator, fifteen or more canoes sailed together in a squadron, accompanied by a leader pilot skilled in use of the charts.
It was not until 1862 that this unique piloting system was revealed in a public notice prepared by a resident missionary. It was not until the 1890s that it was comprehensively described by a naval officer, Captain Winkler of the Imperial German Navy.[3][4] Winkler had been the commander of the SMS Bussard, stationed in 1896 in the Marshall Islands which, during that period, were under German rule; he subsequently described the system in an 1898 publication. Winkler became so intrigued by the stick charts that he made a major effort to determine navigational principles behind them and 'convinced' the navigators to share how the stick charts were used.
See also