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Archaeology [Solved] The Emishi People of Japan

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MrC
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Original link provided by Zurvan

The question regarding 'who were the Emishi?' comes down to: were they ancestors of, or related to the Ainu? Or were they related to the Japanese? I will attempt to give a summary answer according to what we know from studies done in physical anthropology, archeology and history. The basic answer to this question is that the Emishi and later Ainu are related to each other in an ancestor-descendant relationship since the Ainu emerged from them in Hokkaido long after the Emishi were gone as a separate people in northern Honshu; however, according to the latest studies the Emishi probably included among them some ancient kofun Japanese living near the frontier who sided with the Emishi against the central Japanese state. There was a direct ancestral relationship with the Ainu, and because the Emishi incorporated frontier Japanese during the ancient time period, the Ainu had this component as well. When the Emishi were then incorporated into the Japanese state they also left their traces in the modern Japanese population. What needs to be reiterated is that the population even among Japanese during that distant time period is very different from the population in modern Japan. They were different ethnically and culturally. We must not see this through the lens of the modern relationship between the Japanese and the Ainu, otherwise, we are in danger of anachronism, of reading the present into the past. The modern separation between the Ainu and Japanese occurred much more recently during the Matsumae rule of southern Hokkaido. What follows is a summary of when the Emishi were first mentioned in history, and traces this through the archeological and skeletal evidence used recently to refine our modern understanding of these people. 

Japan's first history books were written in the early eighth century in the form of the short Kojiki and the much larger Nihon Shoki. The contents in the books regarding the earliest ages are disputable. They become more or less reliable after the late seventh century AD.

Japan today is composed of four main islands; however, seventh century Japan did not include the whole of Hokkaido and the northern half of the Tohoku (northeast) region of Honshu: it is thought the Emishi lived in this area, mainly central to northern Tohoku and southern to central Hokkaido; the Ashihase lived in northern and central Hokkaido. By the seventeenth century, the Japanese inhabited all of Honshu and the southern edge of Hokkaido, and the descendants of the Emishi of Hokkaido, known as Ezo, lived in all of Hokkaido as well as Chishima (Kuril islands), and Karafuto (Sakhalin): they are known today as Ainu. Little is known as to what happened to the Ashihase by the early modern period. They are thought to have been displaced or absorbed by the Emishi and Satsumon ancestors of the Ainu.

There were three ethnic groups in ancient Japan: Japanese, Emishi (later Ainu) and Ashihase (possibly Okhotsk related to the Amur people). The first time that the Emishi are written about by Japanese writers in Nihon shoki they are classified as rebels and opponents of the Japanese state, and therefore potentially subjects by way of conquest. This of course is a Japanese court centric view, but is the only written records, except for references from the T'ang and Sung Chinese sources, but their perspective reflects the Japanese viewpoint which is itself influenced by the Chinese view of a division between the civilized world (themselves) and the "barbarians." The Japanese needing legitimacy for their own empire used the Emishi for propaganda when they visited the T'ang Chinese, namely that they too had to deal with barbarians. Of course to the Chinese the Japanese were sometimes seen as eastern barbarians themselves. The Japanese divided the Emishi into those who had submitted themselves to Japanese rule as allies and subjects, and those who were outside their authority. Those outside imperial authority were seen as "barbarians" beyond the frontier who needed to be brought under the civilizing influence of the state. Michinoku, the name the Japanese had given for the Tohoku, literally translates as "deepest road" with the connotation of a far away place: the Emishi were seen as inhabitants of this far away land, beyond the frontier. To understand the Japanese perspective on the Emishi this propaganda shared with other East Asian states, particularly T'ang China, needs to be understood. 

The Ashihase were thought of as even further away, a foreign people altogether, and it is not clear who they were; however, recent research offer clues that the relationship between the Ashihase and the Emishi mirrored the relationship between the Japanese and the Emishi. That is, just as the Japanese were completing their conquest of the Tohoku region, Emishi began to consolidate more of Hokkaido. The Ashihase were most likely an Amur river people who were definitely East Asian hunter-gatherers who moved south from Sakhalin into Hokkaido and were either displaced or conquered and absorbed by the Emishi of the Satsumon culture. The Satsumon consolidated their hold about the same time that the Tohoku Emishi began to migrate into Hokkaido (see especially Yamaura 1999:42-45, and the in-depth discussion by Crawford that the Satsumon culture probably emerged from the Tohoku Emishi. Satsumon is a name of a culture that is ancestral to the Hokkaido Ainu).

According to archeological findings from the fifth to the seventh centuries AD, the northern half of Tohoku (roughly extending from northern Miyagi prefecture to Aomori) and the western part of Hokkaido formed a single cultural area, and many Ainu place names are left in the Tohoku. It goes beyond the discussion of this introduction to go into the Jomon, Epi-Jomon and Yayoi cultures as they affected the Tohoku region (please follow links to those pages). It is now believed that evidence points to the Emishi tie with the Tohoku Middle Yayoi pottery culture that is heavily influenced by Jomon forms--as these peoples were gradually adopting Yayoi culture from the seventh to the eighth century. 

Indirect evidence that shows the relationship between the Jomon, Ancient Japanese and the Ainu come from studies in physical anthropology(1). In several studies of cranial and skeletal measurements of past and present Japanese populations there is a historical correlation between the Ainu and Jomon. In these findings, Jomon skeletal remains are most ancestral to the Ainu population. There is evidence of change also in the Japanese population from the middle of Japan outward to the peripheral areas, as in the Tohoku where the Emishi lived, such that the peripheral areas shows a closer relationship to the Ainu and Jomon. When the cranial measurements of the Jomon are compared with other East Asian groups, including modern Japanese, they define one extreme deviation from mongoloid or East Asian groups. One could consider them to be a race apart from other East Asians, even when Japanese populations that have closer affinities to them are included with the exception of the Ainu (see Ossenberg 1986:199-215; Kidder 1993:79,101). 

When they were first widely encountered by Europeans in the nineteenth century these people contrasted so strongly with the surrounding Japanese population they were thought of as proto-Caucasoid. This belief continued to influence scholars up to the twentieth century. We now know this is untrue. After more than a century of studying their skeletal morphology they have been re-classified as related to the Austronesian. The Jomon defined a northern branch of Austronesians who had lighter skin than the Austronesians in Australia, and from the outside could be mistaken as proto-Caucasoid. However, the modern Ainu are midway between modern Japanese and the Jomon due to assimilation by Japanese, and assimilation of Okhosk making them further removed from their Austronesian origins. As a group though they still retain more of the Jomon inheritance than any other group in Japan.

Even today, the traces of Jomon inheritance can be seen in some modern Japanese populations. In areas furthest from the central areas of Japan, Jomon features are still present according to the same cranial and skeletal analyses above. As a whole there is a gradient from the modern Kinki being least related (the Osaka, Kansai area), to the modern Kanto (the Tokyo area), to the modern Tohoku, to the Ainu people who are most related to the ancient Jomon population. The modern Tohoku population is closer to the Jomon than the modern Kinki group in this gradient. This modern data corroborates the argument, that each area conquered by the continental Asian group who were the Japanese speakers who started from the Kinki region were absorbed by them, so that those who were conquered later still conserved more Jomon traits than those who were conquered at an earlier time. The Emishi and the Ainu were the latest of the Jomon people to be conquered during historical time, and the conquest of the former is the subject of this web page.

The place where the Emishi fit into this picture follows in the descriptions given about them in the historical period. They are known as mojin or kebito (hairy people) by their Japanese conquerors, and contemporary Chinese court historians of the T'ang. And this is where history begins to corroborate physical anthropology. The Ainu are known for their abundant hair, both on the torso and limbs, and mostly in their heavy beards. It is almost certain that people ancestral to the Ainu lived in northern Honshu in this time period. The cultural area of the Emishi coincides with the areas that used to be under Ainu control. The very word Emishi is probably a Japanese derivation of the word "emchiu" or "enjyu" which translates to "man" in the Ainu/Emishi language. The kanji characters for Emishi are identical to Ezo. Before Ainu came into usage in the Meiji period they were known as Ezo. One thing is certain: Ancient Japan was not composed of a single ethnic group like it appears today. Racial or ethnic affiliation did not determine who were or were not Japanese subjects: the connection between culture and blood came after centuries of political unity. For example, ethnic Korean and Chinese immigrants migrated to Japan at this time to help consolidate the bureaucracy and form artisan groups.

This is the basic scenario, however, plenty of questions remain. There were two overlapping movements that can be traced archeologically. One is the earlier movement of Yayoi culture centered on rice cultivation having penetrated to northern Tohoku (Aomori prefecture) by the first century AD. The other is the retreat of rice cultivation from the third to the fifth centuries in the same northern Tohoku areas as the climate changed making rice cultivation no longer viable in far northern Honshu. Is this an initial movement possibly of Japanese speakers, or simply the spread of rice cultivation among Emishi ancestors? Was there also a counter-movement of people from the north, and can this be identified with the Emishi? The other issue is the creation of kofun mounds both the keyhole variety thought of as Japanese, and tunnel tombs which are thought to have been built by both Emishi and Japanese. 

The tunnel tomb burial sites have recently yielded new information. Further cranial studies of central Tohoku burial sites during the Emishi era (sixth into the eighth centuries) reveal that the skulls in the region are not all Jomon types, but rather Kofun in nature (related to Kanto Kofun) even though Jomon type skulls are found among them. It is not uniform. There are two possible explanations for this: that ancient Japanese frontier families who moved into the Tohoku early on lived side by side with Emishi neighbors and they saw themselves as locals; or that the Emishi themselves included such families in their ranks. Did the Emishi army include alliances with local gozoku (great families)? 

Even if the Emishi who moved to Hokkaido were ancestors of the Ainu, they were different culturally from both Japanese and Ainu. They cannot be seen as one or the other. The Emishi had a distinct culture that differed from that of the Ainu. The primary difference was that the Emishi were horse riders, and much of their culture and style of warfare were adapted to the use of the horse. In this regard, the Emishi had a profound influence on the emerging Japanese Yamato state: they essentially forced the Yamato armies to adopt much of their style of warfare in order to beat them, and even the title of Sei-i-tai shogun came from the title of the general appointed by the court to fight them. Second, they were influenced by the Kofun culture through their trade with the Japanese, and had adopted some of its practices such as agriculture. Third, their lifestyle was rooted in their Epi-Jomon culture, and continued the hunting and gathering lifestyle, particularly those living in the mountains. The Emishi integrated influences from both their Epi-Jomon culture with the Kofun culture of their neighbors. Further, many Emishi became subject to the Japanese state, and eventually disappeared as a separate ethnic group once they were conquered, becoming intermarried or absorbed into the Japanese population. There were other Emishi groups that continued to live independent of the Japanese Yamato state roughly north of present day Morioka and Akita in the west. These northern areas continued to be the frontier between the Japanese cultural area and the Emishi culture well into the medieval period. It was these groups that eventually became known as Ezo, the creators of Satsumon ware and ancestors of the Ainu. Furthermore, the southern areas that were ostensibly conquered by the Yamato armies became semi-independent in the tenth century under the Abe and Kiyowara families, as wars for control became a pattern between the Emishi descendants, now within the Japanese cultural sphere and the central government well into the thirteenth century. 
http://emishi-ezo.net/WhoEmishi.htm

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http://emishi-ezo.net/index.htm

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MrC
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Jomon Culture and the emishi

There had been speculation that many ethnic groups used to inhabit the islands during the Jomon period, roughly ten thousand years B.C. to about 300 B.C. (ending earlier depending on the region). What has been found confirms a much older hypothesis that there was basically one ethnic group, the Jomon, who resided on all the islands. The skeletal remains that date back before the Yayoi period, when the Japanese speakers began their expansion, have been of one dominant population group whether in Western Japan, the Tohoku or Hokkaido. The one cultural trait they shared was the type of pottery they produced marked by distinctive rope-like patterns called jomon doki that gave them their name.

In the latest research it is found that the transformation of the Jomon population occurred gradually as the Yayoi population identified with the Japanese speakers spread from northern Kyushu eastwards. Intermixing of the populations was widespread as intermediate skeletal types emerge in areas where the two populations came in contact with each other. However, over time, where these contacts occurred the Jomon population gradually changed to become more Yayoi in character indicating that the Yayoi began to outnumber the local Jomon population. Thus, the intermixing was heavily weighted towards the Yayoi population during the historical period particularly in western Japan since the Jomon people there were not as numerous.

One exception is in the southern Kyushu areas dominated by the Kumaso during ancient times. To this day the area around present-day Kagoshima has a population that is relatively unchanged since the Jomon, and have characteristics that are more related to the Ainu and Okinawans than to modern Japanese. This underlines the peril of making generalizations about the Japanese population in regards to the nation as a whole since there were local population histories that seem to defy them. Pockets where the Jomon were the majority remained into the historical period.

The modern Japanese population is thus mainly Yayoi in character with visible traces of Jomon mostly among recently absorbed populations such as the Ainu, and to a lesser extent, the people of the Tohoku. In the early years of Yayoi cultural diffusion there was not as sharp a division between the Yayoi and Jomon populations. This condition would only be possible if there was a cultural and economic change not a sudden ethnic one, and contradicts the notion that the incipient Yayoi culture was carried over by an immigrant group.

The physical evidence seems to point to cultural diffusion rather than an invasion, otherwise, there would be a replacement of one population over the other rather than a gradual change. Through time, as more East Asian immigrants were either absorbed or took over, these ethnic differences became more pronounced, and by the time of the Yamato kings ethnic conflict became endemic particularly with the Jomon in western Japan, and the Tohoku (see The Treatment of Natives in the Nihon shoki: the case of western Japan, above).

By the end of the Yayoi period and the beginnings of the Kofun period in the third century AD, the line between the Yayoi and the Jomon had increased particularly between the Kinai and eastern Japan northwards. The Yayoi population represented by the formative Japanese state known as Yamato had become mainly modern East Asian in appearance and ethnicity, similar to other Chinese, Koreans and northeast Asians while the Jomon population stayed the same, conserving much older ethnic traits. Why this happened is still inconclusive, but points to a much larger existing Jomon population in eastern and northern Japan that only increased in northern Japan through migration. In the east, the Kofun states of the Kanto had people midway between both Yayoi and Jomon populations. This shows that the settled population here, based on agriculture, most likely were a Jomon majority who accepted Yayoi settlers in their midst, and over time had absorbed them. This was also the case in the agriculturally based Tohoku Kofun states. In western Japan the Yayoi population became dominant because the Jomon had become exhausted both culturally and in numbers.

This trend in the Tohoku was accentuated most likely by a migration that took place from the north about the same time that the Kofun culture began to penetrate the Tohoku from the south (Kumagai 2004). This migration of Jomon peoples took place according to Kumagai between the third and fifth centuries AD, and its origin is most likely southern Hokkaido. In the midst of the gradual change in the population that was taking place in the Kanto and Tohoku, a fresh injection of Jomon peoples spread the Epi-Jomon culture into the Tohoku. In the complex picture that emerges then we have the gradual waning of the Final Jomon culture due to the growing influence of rice cultivation and the Kofun culture carried by Japanese speakers--clans headed by the great families (gozoku) in the fourth and fifth centuries, and then the waning of the power of these incipient states in the face of a fresh migration from the north of Jomon peoples, and the Epi-Jomon culture (also known as Latter Jomon) that spread back into the areas that previously saw to the retreat of the Jomon culture.

This latter culture was different from the earlier form, but its spread was due to the resurgence of the Jomon people. The Epi-Jomon culture in the Tohoku and Hokkaido is the culture that archaeologists have identified with what historians have called the Emishi, Ebisu and Ezo, and ancestral to the Satsumon culture. The Epi-Jomon saw to the spread of a type of pottery that was unique to southern Hokkaido and the Tohoku region. Hunting implements were also made by these people that indicated a diet consisting of Salmon, venison and berries. The Hokkaido region relied more on Salmon runs while the Tohoku region relied on hunting deer.

This culture differs from the earlier Final Jomon culture. The Final Jomon was by the material evidence quite rich and saw to the spread of lacquer ware as well as the creation of unusual clay figurines for religious purposes. The Final Jomon culture was centered on the area of present day Aomori, and is also known as "Kamegaoka" named for the region where many of these artifacts were first found. This culture dates to a time right before the advent of the Yayoi culture while the Epi-Jomon is thought to have occured during the Tohoku Yayoi. The Epi-Jomon culture is unusual in that instead of retreating north in the face of the Yayoi culture moves back towards the south during the Kofun period.
http://emishi-ezo.net/jomon.html

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Emishi, Kofun Culture and the expansion of Yamato

The Yamato state is thought to be either a continuation or successor to the semi-historical state of Yamatai and Queen Himiko, a centralized state that had been spoken of by the Chinese historians of the Han dynasty. Yamato was made possible by the advances during the Yayoi period that saw to the spread of wet-rice cultivation, that in turn spurred population growth and centralized power. Expansion was a continuous component of the Japanese Yamato state that aggressively incorporated outlying regions into its orbit, such as remaining Jomon peoples like the Kumaso in Kyushu and the Emishi in the Tohoku as well as rival Yayoi states in the Kinai and Kanto regions. The Yamato kingdom and its history is tied to the beginnings of the Japanese speaking state that is identified also with the Yayoi. It has been through physical anthropology where a particular group of people through their remains began to be associated with what was originally the Yayoi pottery culture. 

It was under this state that the identity of the nation of Japan was formed, however, it was not in any sense Japan as it is today because its territory was smaller. Starting out from the central regions it encompassed the inland sea, western Japan and northern Kyushu before expanding east towards the Kanto and the Tohoku. The Japanese island of Honshu was not unified by one political entity but was divided into a hodge-podge of states dominated in the west and central region by Yamato and its line of kings.




During the Kofun Age (3rd through 6th centuries AD) the areas under Yamato control (dark gray on map) expanded both northeast and southwest. The Kanto plain (represented by the cross-hatched area) came under the hegemony of Yamato at the end of the period as the Kofun states in the region became vassal states of Yamato. The Tohoku region was outside of Yamato's jurisdiction, and the Emishi people fought against the Yamato state for centuries. Other place names on this and subsequent web pages are mentioned here. Dark lettered names are current usage while gray lettered names are ancient place names.

The so-called "55 nations of the hairy men of the East" were an ancient people with a way of life and culture distinct from and often in conflict with Yamato, and resided in what is now the Kanto and Tohoku. However, by the fourth century A.D. a type of culture called the Kofun, named after the large burial mounds, had spread from the Yamato heartland in central Japan to the Kanto and Tohoku regions. The Yamato had not taken direct political power over these areas, but the widespread adoption of Kofun even in the frontier regions meant the successful dispersal of a similar culture. It is in this context that we seek to understand the Emishi with greater clarity through new studies in archeology and physical anthropology.

The nature of the Kanto states is not very clear, but increasingly the evidence points to a people who had both Yayoi and Jomon attributes. By the fifth century AD states such as Kenu (in present-day Musashi) were in comparison with Yamato and other Kinai states fairly well organized and strong militarily speaking. They were never conquered militarily by the Yamato, but were gradually absorbed through hegemonic alliances to the point that the court of Yamato was able to compel the people of these states to fight in their armies starting in the seventh century AD against the Emishi of the Tohoku. What ever happened to the Jomon people in the Kanto? According to recent studies (see The Emishi and Physical Anthropology) the Jomon people may well have been the majority of the population in the Kanto when the Yayoi people first moved in. 

The Kanto states were fairly advanced and populous enough that any direct invasion from Yamato and its allies was not an option. Instead, alliances were formed between Yamato and key states in the Kanto, such as Kenu, that together provided enough power to threaten any states that tried to resist. They often backed one or another clan chief during internal wars such as that between Upper Kenu and Lower Kenu. By playing off one state against another, and even one family within a state against another, the Yamato state gained ascendancy in the region. A policy emerged that was later to play a decisive role in the conquest of the Emishi, and was simply known as "using the barbarian to subdue the barbarian." It is crucial to understand that the Yamato state based in the Kinai region saw the Kanto states as frontier states, not too far removed from the "barbarians" of the Tohoku. 

In this particular history we are seeing the tail end of hundreds of years of expansion that had reached the Tohoku region, the modern prefectures of Fukushima, Miyagi, Yamagata , Akita , Iwate, and Aomori. The expansion east to the Kanto was a crucial process that took place in the fourth through the sixth centuries, and provided the manpower that was eventually used in the war of conquest against the Emishi. 


Zenpo-koen-fun (literally "front-square, back-round" mound). The cylinder like objects placed on the Kofun are haniwa or clay figures, a practice common in the Kinai and Kanto plains. These types of Kofun were the largest made, and consisted of a round mound and a square front, and looks like a keyhole from above. For the longest time the occupants of these Kofun were interpreted as being politically connected to the Yamato state as vassal states. These types have been found in Miyagi and Fukushima prefectures, and as far north as Iwate prefecture in the Tohoku as well, and are quite widespread throughout the Kanto plain. Recently, it is no longer clear whether or not all of these can be interpreted as having had subordinate ties to Yamato. The ones in the Tohoku may well have been made by independent chiefs who copied the form as a way of displaying their power to other regional chiefs, and even those with ties to Yamato may have been temporary allies. 


Kofun States of the Tohoku

Yayoi agricultural methods were introduced in some areas of Tohoku region such as in present day Aomori and Miyagi prefectures way before the historical expansion of the Yamato state in the second century AD. Though they did not rely on rice agriculture as heavily as the Yayoi, the Jomon adapted it to their way of life, and non-rice crops such as barley and millet were also grown. Moreover, the regions that were contested in the Tohoku had in the fifth century previous to direct Yamato rule produced some large burial mounds, though not as numerous as those found in the Kanto region, and certainly smaller than found in the Yamato heartland. Even by Kanto standards, very large Kofun such as the 168 meter Raijin yama Kofun were erected in what is now Miyagi prefecture (near Sendai ) during that time. 

The inescapable conclusion is that the Kofun culture had made its impact on the Tohoku people before the Yamato had established any political authority in the region. To produce these large structures a considerable amount of organization and centralization had to take place, so the level of social organization had to go beyond what a hunting and gathering society could sustain. A hierarchical class society had to emerge in order to handle the labor requirements that the building of a large Kofun required. It seems that rice cultivation had to be in place to sustain the density of population and hierarchy necessary for Kofun society. 

If it were as straightforward as one more populous and developed culture supplanting another based on small scale agriculture and hunting there would not be as many questions about the nature of the Tohoku Emishi. That the Kofun society had made its way into the Tohoku region makes a straightforward interpretation more difficult. This is where physical evidence becomes invaluable.

Were they made by primarily Jomon, or by Yayoi people who had previously moved into the area? It seems that they were made by culturally Yayoi immigrants from the Kanto. But these Yayoi immigrants had unique population characteristics that distinguished them from the Yayoi of western Japan. Just as we saw in the Kanto plain, the Kofun people of the Tohoku were of the same group sharing characteristics midway between both Jomon and Yayoi populations, thus showing that the Kanto Yayoi peoples were most likely the immigrants who came into the Tohoku. Clearly, as in the Kanto, these Kofun were made for some powerful local chieftain or family that held the area under their control. What was their relationship to Yamato if any? Whatever happened to these states that produced these Kofun that once existed in the Tohoku? 

Can it be definitely said with confidence that the Kofun states of the Tohoku were not nascent Emishi states? The most recent studies (see page on the Tohoku Kofun population) that show the population of areas that were known places where warfare had broken out between the Emishi and the Japanese show that perhaps the former did include non-Japanese Yayoi immigrants who defined their identity as Emishi.

In the northernmost regions where rice cultivation had initially developed, such as in what is now Aomori, by the seventh century AD, rice was no longer cultivated. The colder climate made intensive rice cultivation difficult there. So there is evidence that at least in the northernmost parts of the Tohoku the hunting and gathering lifestyle made a comeback. Throughout the mountainous interiors of the Tohoku the Jomon people, ancestors of the Satsumon, still retained their light agriculture and a hunting and gathering way of life. To see this in perspective then, the Kofun society emerged in certain locations in the Tohoku, but existed side by side with those who still practiced a hunting and gathering way of life.

Emishi Migration

Some of the answers to the above questions are beginning to be explained through recent archeological studies. Kimio Kumagai's (2004) research suggests that the Emishi are not the ones to have created the Kofun in the Tohoku. They lived at times side-by-side with either the pre-Yamato Japanese or the proto-Japanese people represented by the gozoku or great families who had penetrated into the Tohoku region as early as the fifth century AD to create the Kofun there such as the Raijin-yama Kofun. They erected Kofun as far north as central Iwate (Tsuno-zuka Kofun), but his studies have shown that these large Kofun were exceptions rather than the rule. Therefore, to say Kofun society had impacted the Tohoku like it did the Kanto is misleading. With these notable exceptions, he argues, the Kofun culture did not appreciably affect the central Tohoku regions northwards. Rather, there was a counter migration from the north by the inheritors of the Jomon tradition, now known as Epi-Jomon culture that brought the Emishi further south in the Third through the Fifth centuries AD.

This migration of the Epi-Jomon pottery culture (known also as Latter Jomon) spread from either southern Hokkaido or northern Aomori and impacted cultures as far south as southern Miyagi. The evidence is the emergence of a particular pottery culture that emerges earlier in the north and begins to spread to the south.

If this is true it changes the entire picture of the Kofun age in this region. It would mean that two movements of people converged in the ancient Tohoku. The Kofun states from the pre-Yamato Japanese moving from the south to the north, and the counter movement of people of Jomon ancestry moving from north to south. Of all explanations this would seem to make the most sense. It makes sense because it would explain why the region was conquered by the Yamato state, and why the Tohoku was treated like foreign territory in contrast to the Kanto. It would also mean that the Kofun states that had emerged in the Tohoku before the conquest were isolated states of Japanese speakers in the region. That would also explain the sudden emergence and disappearance of rice cultivation in the northern Tohoku at an early date. The disappearance coincides with the migration of the Jomon peoples from the north. 

This seems to answer the question as to whether the Kofun states of the Tohoku were Emishi states--the answer seems to be no, but the evidence is unclear. It is true that the Emishi lifestyle (those who appear in the Nihon-gi) contrasts quite a bit from people living under the Kofun states. They were more egalitarian and relied on hunting, gathering and light agriculture. However, it cannot be ruled out entirely. The reason being the relatively large forces involved in the fighting between the Emishi and the Japanese that point to an agrarian base to support the forces, and a fair degree of organization that a local Kofun society could sustain. Could a lifestyle primarily based on hunting and gathering have sustained this type of organization? However, the main Epi-Jomon re-migration may have taken place into the mountainous interior and in the northern areas where Kofun culture along with rice cultivation had the least hold.

Hokkaido

The Tohoku was merely one of the last phases of the political expansion of the Japanese state, the last being the incorporation of Hokkaido in the nineteenth century. The huge difference between the two last phases is that the Tohoku was colonized gradually over the course of hundreds of years, whereas in Hokkaido the seclusion policy of the Matsumae had kept the Ainu population relatively isolated from the Japanese until the nineteenth century, when with the Meiji Restoration and the dissolution of the Matsumae domain settlers poured into the island. The contrast between the populations of Japanese and Ainu was a result of years of seclusion of the latter population, whereas in the Tohoku, Japanese colonists (and others) took hundreds of years to settle there, and within a couple centuries after the conquest there was very little cultural and in many cases physical differences between them. However, even today, the Tohoku Japanese have more Jomon characteristics than any other area of Japan with the exception of Hokkaido and southern Kyushu, and can be seen in the heavier beards, curly or wavy hair and lighter complexions of some of the Japanese who originate from this region.
http://emishi-ezo.net/emishi_kofun.html

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MrC
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^I think today's Japanese are jomon or Yayoi .

I think she represents the remaining Jomon mix population

and this girl is the Yayoi mix population


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zurvan
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Miyawaki Sakura is a good example, but not exactly what I had in mind. The vast majority are Yayoi types or Yayoi-Jomon mixed types. Ainu aren't a good example of Jomon as they were mixed with Siberian ethnicities like the Nivkhs.

五十嵐裕美 Igarashi Hiromi and 内田真礼 Uchida Maaya, I think they're both good examples of the Yayoi type.

 

Sakura Ayane 佐倉綾音 has a rather hooked nose which other than Japan, is rare in east Asia except Northwestern China.

 

I think both types are common across Japan but depending on the region there are higher or lower frequencies of either one of the Jomon or Yayoi types.

Now that I think about it, Jomon-types aren't really that unique to Japan as they can be found in ancient East and Southeast Asia.

 

 

By looking at the Minatogawa man, he had similar features as the Liujiang Man of Guangxi. I think the Jomon weren't as 'Australoid' but rather southern Mongoloids. There were similar Jomon-like finds in China, such as the Jintan Man of Jiangsu province and Liangdao Man of Fujian province. I don't think the Jomon were a monolithic group but a variety of different peoples in ancient Japan. There were even Jomon-like people over in Korea. It is sort of tempting to link the Jeulmun culture of Korea to the Jomon culture.

https://heritageofjapan.wordpress.co...days-japanese/

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